Contributions

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Mae arnaf i ofn fod Cai Parry-Jones wedi bod yn copïo fy ngwaith cartref i, achos roeddwn i hefyd yn mynd i'ch holi chi am eich sylwadau chi ar Politics Wales. Roedd hi'n syndod i fi hefyd glywed am y sioc roeddech chi'n ei theimlo o ran y pwysau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wynebu.

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Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'm afraid that Cai Parry-Jones has been copying my homework, because I too was going to ask about your comments on Politics Wales. It came as a surprise to me too to hear of your shock in looking at the pressures facing the Welsh Government.

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Cai has made reference to some of the commentary around the pressures facing Welsh Government in its next budget. The IFS, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, warned in the election campaign about the extremely challenging fiscal outlook facing the next Government, and yet your own party leader assured voters that Plaid Cymru had a fully costed programme for government. It does start to feel now like these were simply making promises without preparing for the consequences. I don't want to repeat Cai's question, so let me ask, therefore: if the Government faces a choice between funding its manifesto promises or making cuts to core public services and projects, how will it decide?

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Diolch, Weinidog. I'm sure you would concede that difficult budget decisions and cuts are rarely felt equally. Women, disabled people, minority ethnic communities, children and those already experiencing poverty are often placed most at risk when public spending is constrained. Under the previous Welsh Labour Government, there was the budget improvement and impact advisory group, bringing organisations representing those communities directly into the budget-setting process. We've now been told by equality stakeholders that the group has not met under this Plaid Cymru Welsh Government and they've had no assurance about its future.

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A wnewch chi ymrwymo, Weinidog, i ailsefydlu'r grŵp yma a chomitio i ymgysylltu ystyrlon â mudiadau cydraddoldeb wrth gynllunio'r gyllideb, ac nid i simply ymgynghori ar ôl i'r penderfyniadau mawr gael eu gwneud?

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Will you commit, Minister, to re-establish this group and also commit to meaningful engagement with equalities organisations when planning your budget, and not to simply consult once the major decisions have been made?

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Sir Billy Boston, who passed away last month at the age of 92, was one of rugby league's greatest ever players, an inspiration from Butetown in Cardiff, and I'm sure the whole Chamber will want to share our condolences with the Boston family. Born on Angelina Street, just a stone's throw from this building, he first played rugby for Cardiff Internationals Athletic Club, and it's great to see the CIACs still going to this day. Billy dreamed of representing Cardiff and Wales through rugby union, yet despite his talent, he was overlooked by his hometown club and nation. As my predecessor Vaughan Gething said, 'It's hard to believe this was simply down to a scouting system failure and nothing to do with the colour of his skin.' After being spotted during national service, he joined Wigan rugby league where he became a sporting legend. His remarkable achievements for Wigan, Great Britain and the game itself secured his place amongst rugby league's all-time greats. Last year, he became the first rugby league player to be knighted. Last week, Wigan renamed their central square in his honour. I was immensely proud to work with members of the Butetown community, sports figures and local businesspeople to secure a lasting tribute to Billy and the other code breakers from Cardiff in the statue that was unveiled in Cardiff Bay. We were particularly delighted that we were able to achieve that during Billy's lifetime and have him there with us as we unveiled the statue to him, Clive Sullivan and Gus Risman, a fitting tribute to all the code breakers achieved and all they overcame. Rest in peace, Sir Billy Boston.

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Can I start by expressing my thanks to Paul Marr for sharing his family's deeply personal experiences and for setting the tone for this debate so well? I will try and continue in that vein. Can I also thank the charity Action for Children for an incredibly helpful briefing that they shared in advance of this debate?  Let me be clear: child sexual exploitation is abhorrent. It destroys childhoods, damages families and leaves victims and survivors carrying the consequences for decades. Let me be clear again: whilst victims and survivors deserve justice, they deserve our support and they deserve the opportunity to have their experience heard. There can be no complacency. If women or children are being abused, we must know about it and we must act to stop it. Wales is already within the scope of the statutory independent inquiry into grooming gangs. The published terms of reference state explicitly that the inquiry will cover England and Wales. So, the question is not whether Wales is included—Wales is included, and that is right. It must be the case that Welsh victims are heard. Where necessary, Welsh institutions must be held to account, and the inquiry's findings must lead to meaningful action. The amendment we're supporting puts victims and survivors first. It recognises that people need not only justice but support. It acknowledges the existing scope of the statutory inquiry that holds Welsh Government to account over their commitment to consider carefully any findings and recommendations relating to Wales, taking forward whatever action is necessary, and this place will hold them to account. This is a sensitive issue. Whenever we discuss it, our focus must be on the experiences and concerns of victims. I don't think this is the place for political point-scoring, because, as Darren said, I think this is an issue on which there is broad consensus. Baroness Casey herself warned about the reluctance of some local areas to face up to the fact that victims had not been treated properly. We must not repeat that failure. We must confront institutional failings wherever they occurred, regardless of the organisation, location or individuals involved, no matter how uncomfortable that may be, and we should also recognise that Wales has already taken significant action. The last Welsh Government legislated through the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014. That legislation places safeguarding duties on relevant agencies. Where an agency, including the police, probation services or another local authority, has reasonable cause to suspect that a child or an adult with care and support needs is at risk of abuse, neglect or other harm, there is a legal duty to inform the relevant local authority. But, of course, legislation alone is not enough. Duties must be understood, followed and properly monitored, and, where they have not been followed, there must be accountability. That is why we welcomed Baroness Casey's audit and remain committed to engaging fully with its recommendations. We also recognise work already undertaken through the independent inquiry into child sexual abuse, chaired by Professor Alexis Jay. Organisations, including the Children's Commissioner for Wales and police and crime commissioners, have rightly emphasised the need to implement its recommendations. That work must continue. And the Welsh Government's 10-year strategy for preventing and responding to child sexual abuse in Wales, published in March this year, builds on that foundation. It covers all forms of child sexual abuse, including sexual exploitation, and sets out action on prevention, protection, effective responses and long-term support for adult victim survivors.  This issue cuts across devolved and reserved responsibilities. Safeguarding, social services, health and education are central Welsh responsibilities, whilst policing, prosecution, court, probation and prisons are reserved to the UK Government. That is why I support the approach currently being taken, and that approach must also be evidence led. A rise in convictions is important and must be understood, but convictions alone do not tell us the full scale or nature of abuse. We must collect and examine all relevant data, including data on the ethnicity of perpetrators. Abuse is abuse and must always be condemned. That does not mean stigmatising entire communities or allowing evidence to be replaced by assumptions. Victims and survivors have waited too long for justice. They do not need an incorrect suggestion that Wales has been excluded from the inquiry. They need the inquiry to proceed urgently, transparently and with proper attention to Welsh cases. Thank you.

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Thank you, Cai, for this opportunity to speak. I'm grateful that some of your colleagues have been brief, because I'm going to steal their time. Let me say this first: I love driving, I recognise that some people will always have to drive, and I want to see more roads built in Cardiff myself—namely, as you said, the eastern bay link. I've campaigned for that for over a decade now. But I also recognise the fact that if everyone in Cardiff who can drive did so, on top of the 100,000 drivers—some of them in this Chamber—who drive in every week day, no-one would get anywhere. Congestion already costs the city's economy over £100 million per year. We have to enable people to make alternative travel choices. So, why wouldn't we find ways to make walking and cycling safe, given the obesity crisis that the country is facing, let alone the climate one? Why wouldn't we build infrastructure to make buses faster and more reliable when 44 per cent of low-income households can't afford a car? And here's a plea to Plaid Cymru: can we match the £2 bus fare that Andy Burnham's introduced in England, please? Why wouldn't we want to build further on Welsh Labour's £1 billion investment into the south Wales metro, when the alternative is to see more vehicles drive into Cardiff from outside and polluting some of our poorest communities anywhere in Wales? This all requires investment, and that's why I support the proposals put forward by Cardiff Council to introduce a workplace parking levy. My last visit as a council leader was to Nottingham, where we saw, having introduced a levy a decade ago, the infrastructure that levy has built, where we learnt how business has grown in that city as a result of that investment. On 20 mph, I'll say two things—three things. Vast swathes of Cardiff were already 20 mph before the so-called 'blanket' introduction came into force. We, in Cardiff Labour, stood on a platform three times to introduce more 20 mph areas. We won three times. And when the council asked, consulted, on re-raising limits, there was not a single street where more than 10 residents living on it wanted their street to get faster. So, this is a good debate, but let's spend more time examining how we unlock the investment that we all acknowledge is needed to deliver the improvements that Cardiff needs. And if we can do that, then we can really get the economy of Wales moving. Thank you.

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Dwi ddim yn siŵr a oes angen dweud hyn, ond fe wnaeth Cai gyfeirio at Airbus, ac mae gen i aelod o'r teulu sy'n gweithio i'r cwmni hwnnw.  Mae Llafur Cymru wedi bod yn glir ein bod ni o leiaf yn bwriadu bod yn wrthblaid adeiladol. Dyna pam ein bod ni yn croesawu egwyddorion y cyhoeddiad heddiw, gan gydnabod y bydd gostyngiad parhaol o 30 y cant yn rhoi cymorth gwerthfawr a mwy o sicrwydd i fusnesau lletygarwch, llety a hamdden sy'n gymwys. Mae'r cyhoeddiad hwn, wrth gwrs, yn adeiladu ar bolisïau'r Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru flaenorol a ddarparodd dros £1 biliwn o gymorth ardrethi i fusnesau manwerthu, hamdden a lletygarwch ers 2020-21. Ond mae'n rhaid talu am y gostyngiad hwn, onid oes? Mae'r Gweinidog yn dweud bod y cynigion yn niwtral o ran cost ac y bydd y bwrdwn yna yn disgyn ar y busnesau mwyaf. Ond mae angen cydnabod hefyd fod ardrethi annomestig yn seiliedig ar werth eiddo, nid ar drosiant cwmni, ei elw nac ar ei allu i dalu. Nid yw busnes sy'n meddiannu safle â gwerth ardrethol uchel o reidrwydd yn fusnes mawr nac yn fusnes hynod broffidiol, o bosib.

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I don't know if I need to say this, but Cai made reference to Airbus, and I have a family member working for that company. Welsh Labour has been clear that we at least intend to be a constructive opposition. That's why we do welcome the principles of today's announcement, recognising the permanent reduction of 30 per cent, providing valuable support and assurances to businesses in accommodation, hospitality and leisure that qualify for this reduction. This announcement, of course, builds on the policies of the previous Welsh Labour Government that provided over £1 billion of rate support for hospitality and leisure businesses since 2020-21. But we do have to pay for this reduction, don't we? The Minister says that the proposals are cost neutral and that the burden will fall on the largest businesses. But we also have to recognise that non-domestic rates are based on the value of property, not the turnover of a company, its profit or its ability to pay. A business that has a high rateable value as a site isn't necessarily a large business or necessarily a very profitable business.

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The Federation of Small Businesses says that some higher value hospitality and leisure premises have already faced increases of up to 70 per cent following revaluation. Some hotels could now be excluded from the 30 per cent reduction and made to pay the higher multiplier instead. I'm also concerned about the unintended consequences of today's announcements. Few in this Chamber would, I think, challenge the notion of raising business rates on large out-of-town retailers, but these proposals will likely also impact valuable sites employing hundreds of workers each in places like the city centres of Cardiff, Swansea, Newport and Wrexham.

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Roeddwn i'n siarad yn gynharach gyda Gwyn, yn gresynu ar golled Marks and Spencer yn Abertawe. Oes yna fwy o fanwerthwyr o'r math hynny mewn perygl o wneud penderfyniadau i gau eu siopau yng nghanol ein dinasoedd ni?

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I was speaking earlier with Gwyn, regretting the loss of Marks and Spencer in Swansea. Will there be more retailers of that kind that are likely to take decisions to close their stores in the middle of our cities?

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I'd point out here that Cardiff alone makes a net contribution of around £100 million to the Welsh national non-domestic rates pot. Will the Minister therefore share, in advance of the budget—today, if possible—the intended threshold for the higher multiplier, the number, type and location of the properties that will pay more, the average and largest expected increases, and her assessment of the effect on jobs, investment and prices? Can she also set out how she will avoid a cliff edge for businesses whose rateable value is just above £51,000? What these questions demonstrate, I think, Minister, is that what's actually needed is wholesale reform of the business rates system in its totality. There was a commitment to that effect in Welsh Labour's manifesto, just as there was in Plaid Cymru's manifesto. I know that this new Government loves a review, it loves a commission. I wonder, Minister, if you could explain why your announcement today—welcome though it broadly is—is simply making tweaks at the margins and not getting into the more comprehensive changes that your party promised before the election. Our offer, as Welsh Labour, is to work with you so that we can make the system fair and so that we can incentivise businesses and local authorities to grow the value of NDR receipts and to drive wider economic growth. Thank you.

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Mae ar Gymru angen mwy o dai. Rydych chi wedi dweud hynny heddiw, Weinidog, ond fe glywom ni yn y wasg dros y penwythnos ddatblygwyr a chymdeithasau tai yn sôn ei bod hi'n gallu cymryd rhwng tair a pum mlynedd i sicrhau caniatâd cynllunio.

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Wales needs more houses. You've said that today, Minister, but we heard in the press over the weekend developers and housing associations saying that it can take between three and five years to secure planning consent.

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As you update 'Planning Policy Wales', can you confirm your intention, therefore, to make the planning system more permissive so that we can build the homes Wales needs and, indeed, build the industrial developments that Wales needs? Will you make it more permissive, or will you continue to risk letting the not-in-my-backyard brigade stop developments and delay developments that have overwhelming public benefit?

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Hoffwn i longyfarch a dathlu pen-blwydd yr elusen BAWSO yn 30 mlwydd oed. Am dri degawd, mae BAWSO wedi bod yn cefnogi pobl ledled Cymru ar rai o achlysuron mwyaf anodd eu bywydau.

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I would like to congratulate and celebrate the anniversary of the BAWSO charity at 30. For three decades, BAWSO has been supporting people the length and breadth of Wales at some of the most difficult periods of their lives.

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Founded in Cardiff by a small group of black and minoritised women, BAWSO recognised that survivors of domestic abuse needed services that understood their experiences and the barriers they faced in seeking help. They've grown from a rented room with just a desk, chair and phone to a Wales-wide organisation, supporting thousands of people every year, with a free-access helpline, available 24 hours a day, every day. BAWSO has often led the way in tackling issues such as forced marriage, female genital mutilation, honour-based violence, modern slavery and human traffic, long before many of these issues received the attention they deserved. As BAWSO marks its thirtieth anniversary, I want to thank staff, volunteers and trustees for everything they do. I particularly want to acknowledge the contribution of their founding chief executive, Mutale Merrill, and their present chief exec, Samsunear Ali, both of whom I've worked closely with over the years. I understand there's a gala celebration event on Friday, and I'm sure all of us here are very welcome there. Diolch.

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Diolch, Brif Weinidog. One of the key challenges of Government is to manage in-year spend and in-year overspends. You will know, First Minister, that local government is bound by law that they have to balance their books within year. That doesn't go for other governmental departments. Do you accept the principle that all Government departments should manage their budgets to the agreed budgets, or, if not, can you outline what in-year overspends you are prepared to accept this year?

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Mewn ateb ysgrifenedig a dderbyniais i'n ddiweddar, cadarnhaodd y Gweinidog Cabinet dros Lywodraeth Leol, Tai a Chynllunio bod Llywodraeth Cymru, fel rhan o'i hadolygiad o'r fformiwla ariannu, yn adolygu'r data ar ddangosyddion sylfaenol, gan gynnwys y rhai sy'n ymwneud ag amddifadedd a gwasgaredigrwydd poblogaeth—deprivation and sparsity—er mwyn sicrhau eu bod yn parhau i ddarparu adlewyrchiad cywir a chadarn o angen cymharol a chostau.

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In a written response I received recently, the Minister for Local Government, Housing and Planning confirmed that Welsh Government, as part of its review of the funding formula, is reviewing the data on primary indicators, including those relating to deprivation and sparsity of population, in order to ensure that they continue to provide a clear reflection of the comparative need and costs.

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There are huge concerns in parts of Wales that Plaid will copy what Rishi Sunak did in England and redistribute funding via the funding formula away from poorer urban areas towards relatively wealthier rural ones. As the Minister with responsibility for statistics, can you confirm what issues you identified in the underlying data and indicators that prompted this review, and when will the review be concluded?

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Dwi jest yn adlewyrchu, Weinidog, y consérn real sy'n cael ei deimlo yn yr ardaloedd mwy diwydiannol. Fe glywon ni gan eich ffrind Zaynub Akbar mewn dadl fer yn ddiweddar bod 60,000 o bobl yn byw yn arc ddeheuol Caerdydd a phetai'r 60,000 yna yn un awdurdod lleol, dyna fyddai'r awdurdod lleol tlotaf yng Nghymru. Felly, mae'r consérn yn real, a wnes i ddim clywed pa ffigurau oedd wedi eich gwthio chi i gynnal yr adolygiad yna. Ta waeth, agwedd arall ar yr agenda bolisi sy'n peri pryder yw'r cynnydd yn y nifer o gwangos a chomisiynau newydd sy'n cael eu ffurfio heb amcanion wedi eu diffinio a heb dryloywder clir. Fel y Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol am oruchwyliaeth, pa gamau y byddwch chi'n eu cymryd i sicrhau bod y Senedd hon a'i phwyllgorau yn gallu craffu'n effeithiol ar y cyrff newydd hyn?

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I'm just reflecting, Minister, the real concern that's to be felt in the more industrial areas. We heard from your colleague Zaynub Akbar in a recent debate that there are 60,000 people in the southern arc of Cardiff, and if those 60,000 were one local authority, that would be the poorest local authority in Wales. So, the concern is real, and I didn't hear what figures had pushed you to hold that review. However, another aspect of the policy agenda that causes concern is the increasing number of quangos and new commissions that are being formed without objectives being set and without clear transparency. As the Minister responsible for oversight, what steps will you be taking to ensure that this Senedd and its committees can scrutinise these new bodies effectively?

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Cyn i fi fynd i fanylion ar safbwynt Llafur Cymru, dwi am ddiolch i Elin Jones am ei hymgysylltiad gyda fi ar y gyllideb atodol, a dwi'n gobeithio ei bod hi'n gwybod am y parch sydd gen i a fy nghyd-Aelodau tuag ati. Rwy'n amau'n fawr pe bai hi wedi cael mwy o ryddid i negodi na fydden ni yn y sefyllfa rŷn ni ynddi heddiw. Yn anffodus, rwy'n ofni bod yna rai eraill ym Mhlaid Cymru nad oedd yn meddwl bod angen iddyn nhw negodi, neu roedd yn well ganddyn nhw wneud hynny drwy fideos ymosodol ar Facebook a briffio i'r cyfryngau. Wrth edrych tuag at broses y gyllideb y flwyddyn nesaf, rwy'n mawr obeithio y bydd y Llywodraeth yn myfyrio ar sut y gellid osgoi'r anrhefn a welwyd dros y tair wythnos diwethaf.

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Before I go into details on the position of Welsh Labour, I want to thank Elin Jones for her engagement with me on the supplementary budget, and I do hope that she knows of the respect that my colleagues and I have for her. I suspect that if she'd had more freedom to negotiate we wouldn't be in the situation that we're in today. Unfortunately, I fear that there are others in Plaid Cymru who thought that they didn't need to negotiate, or they preferred to do that through attacking videos on Facebook and briefings to the media. In looking to the process for next year's budget, I do hope that the Government will reflect on how to avoid the disorder seen over the last three weeks.

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Welsh Labour's red lines on the supplementary budget have been clear from the outset: a substantial contribution for additional learning needs in our schools, utilising some—not all, some—of the consequential made available by the UK Government spend in this area in England. Plaid Cymru's initial proposals contained not one penny for ALN. This fact is made very clear by the concerns raised in the Finance Committee report. A petition on this issue attracted 11,000 signatures in two weeks. And in the end, seven days ago, Plaid finally put some money on the table. We are clear this is not enough, but this is not our view alone. As has been said before, Welsh councils are united on how the pressures from ALN in schools are real and urgent. Many of us will have received correspondence from school leaders, outlining the immediate difference extra real funding could make, and we are all aware of the concerns felt by teaching unions. Extraordinarily, overnight, the two teaching unions that represent school leaders, the NAHT and ASCL, have written jointly to Welsh Government to state that they are now in formal dispute with the Government over the issue of pay and ALN funding. These aren't militant unions. They're not affiliated with the Labour Party. In fact, one of them used to be led by the education Minister. So, how has it come to this, just 64 days into a new Plaid Cymru Government, where two large, well-respected unions are having to ask for the intervention of an independent conciliation body to mediate its dealing with Welsh Government? It's unprecedented. It's a failure of social partnership, and it says very clearly that the supplementary budget, as proposed, isn't good enough. Not our assessment; the blunt assessment of teachers, school leaders and their representatives. I heard the Trefnydd's response to Lynne Neagle earlier in the business statement. It sounded to me very much like the response of a Government that's stopped listening. Let me spell it out. Forty million pounds in one year is a bad deal. Forty million pounds in the second year, when it's been eroded by inflation and demand growth, is a bad deal. Forty million pounds in the third year, when £200 million of further recurring consequential become available from ALN spend in England, is a ridiculous deal. No financially literate party could sign up to it. Llywydd, this Senedd Labour group is returning to our party's foundational mission, being the political representation of organised labour in the nation and being the voice of the most vulnerable in our society. You will understand, therefore, given the fundamental and formal concerns that unions have regarding these proposals, how we simply cannot support the supplementary budget as it currently stands. There are some on the Plaid benches that are avowed socialists. Here is an early test for you: will you blindly follow your party's whip, or will you vote with our pupils and our teachers? And let's also be clear, Llywydd—[Interruption.] Let's also be clear—

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I will raise my voice, Llywydd. Let's be clear on the implications for additional spending on NHS waiting lists. We support these proposals. They are, after all, the continuation of the successful policy that the last Welsh Government adopted. You do not need a supplementary budget in place to spend in this area. You can carry on the investment now and regularise that spend later in the year. Fearmongering that this money is at risk simply does not bear informed scrutiny. And as to the suggestion that if the supplementary budget failed, there would be no money given to ALN at a later date, if that's accurate then it's pernicious, it's vindictive and it's going to lead to widespread industrial action. The supplementary budget before us has £0.25 billion of unallocated financial resources. I've outlined before, the Chair of the Finance Committee has repeated it: that's not normal. You could use £100 million, as we've requested for ALN, and still have a substantial cushion to manage in-year spending pressures. Llywydd, we genuinely tried to warn the Government that they were headed for the rocks. My advice now is just as genuine: withdraw the supplementary budget today, negotiate with the teaching unions to resolve this dispute you've blundered into, and then bring back a supplementary budget that actually starts to meet the asks of pupils and teachers. When you do, we'll be here waiting, ready to vote for it. Diolch yn fawr.

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Diolch, Weinidog. Byddwn i'n dweud bod ehangu mynediad at ofal plant yn uchelgais y byddai pawb yn ei chroesawu. Yn sicr, mae darpariaeth o ansawdd uchel yn gwella outcomes i blant, yn helpu i daclo anhafaleddau ac mae'n cefnogi rhieni, ac yn enwedig menywod, i un ai aros neu ddychwelyd i'r gweithlu. Ond rydyn ni hefyd yn gwybod bod llwyddiant yr uchelgais yma yn dibynnu ar y gweithlu i'w gyflawni. Mae darparwyr yn barod wedi codi consýrn am yr heriau o amgylch recriwtio a chadw sgiliau o fewn y gweithlu.

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Thank you, Minister. I would say that expanding access to childcare is an ambition that everyone would welcome. Certainly, high-quality provision does improve outcomes for children, helps to tackle inequalities, and supports parents, particularly women, either to stay or to return to the workplace. But we also know that the success of this ambition will depend on the workforce being available to deliver it. Providers are already raising concerns about the challenges around recruitment and retention of skills within the workforce.

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Childcare workers do hugely important work, supporting children at the most important stage of their development, and, if we want to grow the workforce, we also need to ensure it's a profession where people feel valued and can build a career. A universal childcare pledge cannot be delivered on low pay and goodwill, I'm sure you'd agree. So, Minister, will your Government commit to ensuring that the childcare workforce is supported through training, progression and committing to fair work principles? I'd particularly like to see, where we are funding expanded childcare, that we expect childcare providers to be accredited as real living wage employers. Will you support that?

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1. Sut bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi cymunedau yng Nghaerdydd Penarth i addasu i newid yn yr hinsawdd? OQ64334

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1. How will the Welsh Government support communities in Caerdydd Penarth to adapt to climate change? OQ64334

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Diolch yn fawr. Last week, I visited the Treescapism exhibition in my constituency, which looked at how communities like those I represent, with some of the lowest levels of canopy tree cover in Wales, can become greener, healthier and more resilient places to live. One of the most powerful messages from that exhibition was that street trees are not simply decorative additions to our communities, they're essential climate infrastructure. They clean out air, they support biodiversity, they reduce surface water flooding, and during extreme heat events, like we might be facing again this week, they provide shade and cooling. Research commissioned by Coed Cadw in Cardiff showed that surfaces shaded by urban trees can be around 20 degrees cooler than those in direct sunlight. But access to these benefits is not equal and, too often, the communities facing the greatest challenges from air pollution and extreme heat are also the communities with the least tree cover. Now, Cardiff Council has tried to do something about this. We established Coed Caerdydd five years ago as a specific initiative, which has planted over 150,000 trees in the last five years. But here's the rub: only a fraction of those are street trees, due to issues around pressures on highways, underground utilities and maintenance and long-term care. So, what, Cabinet Secretary, will the Welsh Government do to support local authorities to accelerate street tree planting in the communities that need it the most?

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Will you take an intervention?

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Can you confirm that you understand that the money raised from the visitor levy is ring-fenced for visitor purposes, not to pay debt or anything else?

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Roeddwn i'n teimlo ei bod hi'n bwysig i fi siarad ar y pwnc yma, oherwydd, yn rhinwedd fy swydd ddiwethaf fel arweinydd Cyngor Caerdydd, un o'r penderfyniadau olaf i fi eu cymryd yn ffurfiol oedd y penderfyniad i gyflwyno visitor levy i'r brifddinas.

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I thought it was important for me to speak on this topic, given that, in my previous role as leader of Cardiff Council, one of the final decisions I took formally was the decision to introduce the visitor levy to the capital city.

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I did so for a very specific reason. Over 20 million people visit Cardiff every year, and we wanted to grow that number further, whilst also recognising and responding to the pressures that those visitors bring to the city. Over decades, Cardiff has built an enviable reputation as a destination for major sporting and cultural events. Every summer, the city teems with live music in our stadium, our castle and our parks. The new indoor arena, now under construction, will bring a further 1 million visitors every year to the city. From the Champions League final that Shav referenced to the Tour de France to the European football championship in 2028, a team Wales approach between Welsh Government, Cardiff Council and other partners has allowed Cardiff to secure some of the world's premier sporting events over the years. I know from my unsuccessful attempt to purchase a ticket to see Oasis how much visitors are prepared to pay to purchase these golden tickets. If you've travelled from North America to see Taylor Swift, my guess is you're not going to worry about paying a visitor levy of £1.30. Here's the mad thing, for all the visitors that come to Cardiff, often as part of events that the council is delivering, for all the money they spend in local bars, restaurants, hotels, for all the overnight clean-up operations required after 70,000 people have partied in the Principality, the council receives not one penny of income, thanks to the completely centralised taxation system we have in this country.  A visitor levy, estimated to raise about £3.5 million a year for Cardiff, starts to change that calculation so that the council raises revenue from major events to in turn fund a better experience for visitors and residents alike. And it will also allow Cardiff to attract new events to the city and also better market ourselves internationally. That was the calculation in proposing a levy. In the extensive consultation carried out with key stakeholders and the general public, of the 2,000 responses received, 62 per cent supported those proposals, recognising how the money would be ring-fenced to support the visitor economy. It's not a tourism tax, it's an investment in tourism. It's a modest contribution from visitors towards services, infrastructure and attractions that make Wales such a desirable place to visit in the first place. Elwyn Vaughan references—

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Lerpwl a Manceinion. Bydd y Siambr â diddordeb i ddeall mai cynlluniau gwirfoddol ydy'r systemau sydd yn gweithio yn fanna. Y cynghorau sir, cynghorau'r ddinas a busnesau lleoli sydd wedi cytuno gyda'i gilydd i gyflwyno'r mesurau yna. A dwi'n gwybod, o siarad gydag arweinwyr y cynghorau hynny, eu bod nhw'n genfigennus o'r pwerau sydd gan awdurdodau lleol nawr yng Nghymru.

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Liverpool and Manchester. The Chamber might be interested to know that the systems working there are voluntary schemes. It's the councils, city councils and local businesses that have come together to agree those measures. And I know, from speaking to the leaders of those councils, that they are envious of the powers that local authorities in Wales now have.

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The Member opposite named a number of fantastic Welsh destinations in her opening remarks. None of the councils in those areas have confirmed plans to introduce the visitor levy. In fact, many have already ruled it out. And that's the beauty of this legislation, that it enshrines local decision making. They have the freedom to consult, consider the evidence and make a local decision. Cardiff has chosen to do so. Other authorities are consulting on the possibility. But as Paul Marr put it, a one-size approach does not work. So, having local decision making is key, local democracy working as it should. I'm stunned that the party there and the party here don't support that principle of local decision making.

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Lywydd, rwyf wedi bod yn ffodus iawn i dreulio llawer o'm gwyliau dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf yng Nghymru. O'n mynyddoedd hynafol ni i'n traethau godidog, o ddanteithion ein bwytai i unigrywedd ein hamgueddfeydd a'n canolfannau diwylliannol, mae gan Gymru gynnig sy'n gallu cystadlu â'r cyrchfannau gorau yn y byd. Gadewch inni fod yn hyderus yn y cynnig hwnnw. Ac yn hytrach na scaremongering a shroud waving i wneud pwyntiau gwleidyddol, gadewch inni hyrwyddo Cymru gyda'n gilydd. Diolch yn fawr.

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Llywydd, I've been very fortunate to have spent many of my holidays in recent years in Wales. From our ancient mountains to our glorious beaches, to the glorious food in our restaurants, to the uniqueness of our cultural centres and museums, Wales has an offer that can compete with the best destinations in the world. Let us be confident in that offer. And rather than scaremongering and shroud waving to make political points, let us promote Wales together. Thank you.

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8. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog amlinellu blaenoriaethau'r Llywodraeth ar gyfer lles anifeiliaid? OQ64364

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8. Will the First Minister outline the Government’s priorities for animal welfare? OQ64364

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Dwi'n diolch i'r Prif Weinidog am yr ateb yna.

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I thank the First Minister for that response.

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I had hoped to hear something in those priorities about the practice of the tethering of horses. This is currently the most signed petition on the Senedd petition website. There was a tragic incident earlier this year where a formerly tethered horse was hit by a vehicle and killed on one of the approach roads into Cardiff, and it's an issue of great concern to my constituents in Caerdydd Penarth. Yet horses continue to be tethered along roads such as Rover Way on the road into Cardiff, creating welfare concerns, particularly in periods of extreme weather like the recent heat, and clearly posing a risk to motorists as well. The RSPCA reports that tethered horses reports have almost doubled and have warned that local authorities often lack the resources and the rescue capacity. I know from personal experience that there are practical challenges with making full use of the Control of Horses (Wales) Act 2014. The First Minister will appreciate, as I do, some of the cultural sensitivities surrounding this issue and he'll want to calibrate the Government's response accordingly. But in view of the increase in incidents and the wider public concern, can the First Minister outline his position on the banning of the tethering of horses and will he commit to reviewing the Control of Horses (Wales) Act 2014? Thank you.

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I've previously said that I was worried that you were outsourcing economic development to an arm's-length body; I'm now worried that you're outsourcing the thinking about what that body will do to an outside body, in setting up this expert group. I've read the statement three times. There are lots of warm words, but I'm still no clearer, nor am I from the answers you've given today, what this agency is actually going to be doing, Minister. So, I think more detail is urgently required—if you can't supply it in this Chamber today, then in further written statements.  I asked for a statement following the local government Minister's comments about corporate joint committees recently. I had quite a disappointing and dismissive reply from the Trefnydd. But specifically, Minister, I'd like to understand how you see this new agency interacting with the CJCs, which, I remind you, are established by statute to carry out economic development functions. How will they interact and how will you ensure, therefore, that there is a democratic voice in economic development in Wales?

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Gaf i ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am y diweddariadau? Gaf i godi i ychwanegu ein llais ni i'r gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol sydd i'r Gymraeg yn y Siambr yma bellach? Mae pawb yn rhannu storïau personol—o'm fy rhan i, ychydig bach fel taid Helen, roeddwn i'n methu siarad Saesneg, gair o Saesneg, tan roeddwn i tua saith mlynedd oed, ac roedd hynny'n sicr yn sioc i ffrindiau prifysgol yn Lloegr, ond dyna'r diwylliant unigryw sydd gyda ni yma yng Nghymru. Bydd pawb yn y Siambr, wrth gwrs, yn gyfarwydd â tharged Llywodraeth Cymru i gyrraedd miliwn o siaradwyr erbyn 2050. Mae yna ail darged yna hefyd, sydd yn dueddol o gael llai o sylw, i ddyblu defnydd yr iaith Gymraeg mewn bywyd bob dydd. Er mwyn cyflawni'r ddwy nod yma, mae angen mynd i waith ar draws pob adran. Nawr, wrth gwrs, mae'n bwysig hybu siaradwyr newydd drwy'r system gofal plant a'r system addysg. Mae'r Llywodraeth wedi bod yn glir am eu huchelgais dros ofal plant drwy gyfwng y Gymraeg fel rhan o'u polisi gofal plant. Gaf i wthio am fwy o fanylder ar sut bydd y polisi yma'n gweithio ar lawr gwlad? Sawl lleoliad gofal plant cyfrwng Cymraeg newydd fydd angen eu datblygu i gyrraedd y nod o ofal plant am ddim o naw mis oed? A sut ydy'r Llywodraeth am sicrhau bod y niferoedd o staff Cymraeg yn mynd i fod ar gael i ddiwallu'r galw hynny? Ac wrth i'r Llywodraeth roi'r Ddeddf y Gymraeg ac Addysg (Cymru) 2025 ar waith, pa gefnogaeth ychwanegol fydd ar gael i hyfforddi athrawon sy'n dysgu drwy'r Gymraeg? Mae'r Gweinidog, fel fi, yn gefnogol o'r egwyddor o agor ysgol uwchradd ychwanegol yng Nghaerdydd, ond, yn y cyd-destun cenedlaethol, mae cyfraddau genedigaethau yn disgyn, ac eto rydym ni'n gwybod bod pobl eisiau gweld darpariaeth addysg Gymraeg yn eu cymunedau. Felly, pa gefnogaeth fydd y Llywodraeth yn ei rhoi i awdurdodau lleol i gynnal ysgolion Cymraeg, a hyd yn oed agor rhai newydd, mewn ardaloedd lle dydy'r niferoedd ddim yna ar hyn o bryd o ran cynaliadwyedd ariannol? Yn mynd ymlaen, er mwyn dyblu'r defnydd o Gymraeg mewn bywyd bob dydd, mae hi'n angenrheidiol, yn fy marn i, i grymuso pobl i ddefnyddio'r Gymraeg sydd ganddyn nhw, boed hynny yn y gweithle, ar-lein neu yn eu cymunedau. Mae technolegau newydd yn datblygu yn gyflym, gan newid sail sut mae pobl yn gweithio ac yn cymdeithasu. Felly, er mwyn i'r Gymraeg aros wrth galon bywyd bob dydd, mae'n rhaid sicrhau bod technoleg newydd yn gweithio er lles yr iaith. Felly, a all y Gweinidog ymrwymo i weithio ochr yn ochr gyda'r undebau llafur i hyrwyddo'r Siarter Twf, a ddatblygwyd gyda'r undebau i hybu'r Gymraeg yn y gweithle? A pha fesurau penodol fydd y Llywodraeth yn eu cyflwyno i annog mwy o brentisiaethau drwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg? A fyddai'r Gweinidog, ymhellach, yn fodlon ymrwymo i ariannu gwaith i ddatblygu mwy o dechnolegau newydd yn y Gymraeg, gan gynnwys datblygiadau dealltwriaeth artiffisial? Ar y pwnc o gynaliadwyedd cymunedau dwysedd uwch a grybwyllwyd yn y datganiad, a gaf i ofyn i ba gyfeiriad fydd eich polisïau chi yn mynd? Er enghraifft, ar ddatblygiadau tai, dwi wedi clywed sawl tro pobl yn dweud eu bod nhw'n gorfod gadael y fro Gymraeg oherwydd eu bod nhw'n methu fforddio prynu tŷ ac, ar y llaw arall, dwi wedi darllen droeon wrthwynebiadau cynllunio yn dweud, 'Bydd datblygu tai yn y man yma yn cael effaith ar yr iaith.' Felly, yn y cymunedau dwysedd uwch a'r polisïau rydych chi'n mynd i'w rhoi mewn lle, a fyddwn ni'n disgwyl gweld mwy o dai yn cael eu hadeiladu neu llai? A gaf i holi hefyd: pa ffocws fyddwch chi'n ei roi ar y brif ddinas—yr unig sir i weld twf yn y defnydd o'r Gymraeg yn y cyfrifiad, a'r sir a gyhoeddwyd fis diwethaf sydd nawr â'r mwyaf o siaradwyr Cymraeg ohoni nac unrhyw sir arall yng Nghymru? Nid jest polisïau sy'n gefnogol o'r iaith yn yr ysgol a thu hwnt i'r ysgol sydd wedi creu hynny, ond hefyd polisïau cefnogol fel adeiladu mwy o dai o bob math, a datblygu a gwthio twf economaidd, sydd yn creu swyddi i bobl ifanc fedru aros yng Nghymru, yng Nghaerdydd, a dod â'u teuluoedd i fyny ar aelwydydd Cymraeg. Felly, oes yna ymrwymiad, Weinidog, i ddysgu o'r un llwyddiant clir sydd gennym ni o sir yng Nghymru yn tyfu nifer y siaradwyr Cymraeg dros ddegawd a mwy hefyd? Fe wnes i, fel arweinydd Cyngor Caerdydd, gyflwyniad i gyngor Dulyn llynedd, achos maen nhw'n awyddus i ddysgu o'n llwyddiannau ni. A wnewch chi? Yn olaf, mae enwau lleoedd Cymru yn rhan o'n hanes ni fel cymunedau ac fel cenedl. Dwi'n croesawu'r cyfeiriad sydd at hynny yn eich datganiad chi. O dan y Llywodraeth Cymru flaenorol, fe wnaethpwyd ymchwil manwl gyda phartneriaid i wella'r ddealltwriaeth o'r newidiadau mewn enwau lleoedd, ac fe gyhoeddwyd set o flaenoriaethau craidd i'w hamddiffyn. Ydy'r Llywodraeth yma yn cytuno i ymrwymo i'r blaenoriaethau hynny? Mae'r Gymraeg yn berchen i ni i gyd, ac yn sicr, o'n plaid ni, byddwn ni'n eich gwthio chi ond hefyd yn eich cefnogi chi i fynd ymhellach. Diolch yn fawr.

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May I thank the Minister for the update? And may I add our voice to the cross-party support for the Welsh language in this Chamber now? Everyone's sharing their own personal stories—from my perspective, a little like Helen's grandfather, I couldn't speak a word of English until I was around seven, and that was a shock to my university friends in England, but that's the unique culture that we have here in Wales. Everyone in the Chamber will be familiar with the Welsh Government's target of a million Welsh speakers by 2050. There is a second target, however, which tends to get less attention, namely to double the use of the Welsh language in everyday life. In order to deliver both of these targets, we need to work across all departments. Now, of course, it's important to promote new speakers through childcare and the education system. The Government has been clear on its ambition for Welsh-medium childcare as part of its childcare offer. May I push for more details on how this policy will work on the ground? How many Welsh-medium childcare settings will need to be developed in order to reach the target of free childcare from nine months old? And how will the Government ensure that the number of Welsh-speaking staff will be available to meet that demand? And as the Government implements the Welsh Language and Education (Wales) Act 2025, what additional support will be available to train teachers who teach through the medium of Welsh? The Minister, like me, is supportive of the principle of opening an additional secondary school in Cardiff, but, in the national context, birth rates are declining, and yet we know that people do want to see Welsh-medium provision in their communities. So, what support will the Government provide to local authorities in order to sustain Welsh-medium schools, and even open new ones, in areas where the numbers aren't there at the moment in terms of financial sustainability? Moving on, in order to double the use of the Welsh language in everyday life, it is necessary, in my view, to empower people to use the Welsh language that they have, be that in the workplace, online or in their communities. New technologies are developing apace, changing how people work and socialise. So, in order for the Welsh language to remain at the heart of everyday life, we must ensure that new technology works for the benefit of the language. Therefore, can the Minister commit to working alongside the trade unions in order to promote the Twf Charter, which was developed with the unions to promote the Welsh language in the workplace? And what specific measures will the Government introduce to encourage more Welsh-medium apprenticeships? Would the Minister, further, be willing to commit to fund work to develop more new technologies through the medium of Welsh, including developments in artificial intelligence? On the issue of higher density community sustainability that was mentioned in the statement, may I ask in what direction will your policies go? For example, on housing developments, I've heard many people say that they're having to leave the Welsh-speaking heartlands because they can't afford properties there and, on the other hand, I have read time and again opposition to planning applications saying that, 'Developments of housing in this area will have an impact on the language.' So, in those higher density communities and the policies that you'll put in place, can we expect to see more housing built or less? Can I also ask what focus you will give to the capital city—the only county to see a growth in the use of the Welsh language in the census, and the county that it was announced last month that now has more Welsh speakers than any other county in Wales? It's not just policies that support the language in schools and beyond schools that have created that scenario, but also supportive policies like building more housing of all kinds, and developing and pushing economic growth, which creates jobs for young people, so that they can remain in Wales, in Cardiff, and bring their families up in Welsh-speaking households. So, is there a commitment, Minister, to learn from the clear success that we have of a county in Wales that has grown the number of Welsh speakers over the past decade and more? I, as leader of Cardiff Council, gave a presentation to Dublin council last year, because they're eager to learn from our successes. Will you? Finally, Welsh place names are part of our history as communities and as a nation. I welcome the reference to that in your statement. Under the previous Welsh Government, detailed research was done with partners in order to enhance our understanding of changes in place names, and a set of core priorities to protect them was published. Does this Government agree to commit to those priorities? The Welsh language does belong to us all, and certainly, as a party, we will urge you but also support you in going further. Thank you very much.

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Diolch, Lywydd. Dwi'n codi i symud y gwelliant yn enw Lynne Neagle. Mae sicrhau ariannu teg i Gymru wirioneddol yn gonsýrn canolog i unrhyw Lywodraeth.

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Thank you, Llywydd. I move the amendment in the name of Lynne Neagle. Ensuring fair funding for Wales is a central concern for any Government.

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Unlike Plaid Cymru, our belief on these benches is that Wales benefits from being part of a union and that we are stronger together. And that includes being financially stronger. The Welsh Government continues to receive over 20 per cent more per person than equivalent UK Government spending in the rest of the UK. That means that, for every £1 spent by the UK Government in devolved policy areas, the Welsh Government is able to spend at least £1.20 on devolved priorities like health and education. On the most basic level, this is redistributive. It brings a material benefit to public services and communities in Wales. And I would urge those members who cheerfully advocate leaving such an arrangement by exiting the United Kingdom to consider those impacts extremely carefully. And, of course, after over a decade of Tory chaos, cuts and austerity, Wales's funding has now reached new heights under a UK Labour Government; the last spending review securing the biggest Welsh Government budget in the history of devolution, with nearly £6.5 billion in additional spending powers assigned over the next few years. This is in addition to billions more in direct UK Government spending in Wales in areas like defence, welfare, policing and other non-devolved areas. And, because of close working between two Labour Governments, the Welsh Government now has greater access to its financial reserves as a result of updates to the fiscal framework. Now, all of this is not to say that the Barnett formula is perfect, or that it doesn't need to be changed. Successive Welsh Governments have pushed for Barnett reform, as the First Minister alluded to, and have succeeded in making some meaningful improvements along the way. However, fundamentally reforming the Barnett formula in favour of a needs-based system will require negotiation, and ultimately agreement between all four nations. No single nation can do this alone, and yet, that agreement between nations is not forthcoming. Despite numerous independent reports over numerous years calling for Barnett reform, including reports commissioned by the Welsh Government, the Scottish Government continues to stop short of calling for a needs-based system. That is, of course, because the current system benefits Scotland further. As the Institute for Fiscal Studies have put it, and I quote: 'No needs-based factor has been introduced for Scotland, likely reflecting the fact that it currently receives more funding per person than Wales despite assessments suggesting it has lower needs'. And that is why the Welsh Labour—[Interruption.] Sorry, Rhun. Well, go on, you've had 10 minutes, but—[Laughter.]

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Yes. We are giving you the opportunity to address that, and deal directly, as you might want to, with the Scottish Government. Why wouldn't you do that? Why wouldn't you do that? That's the focus of Labour's amendment, focusing on a crucial relationship and identifying and overcoming the Scottish Government's resistance to reforming the Barnett formula should be the primary focus of engagement between the two Governments. I think I'm right in saying that Plaid Cymru refers to the SNP as a sister party. Perhaps that is somewhere that you can start, Rhun, if you're worried about constitutional arrangements.  Our amendment is practical. This work is necessary to deliver the wider reform that the Government's motion seeks, and we would welcome regular updates from the Welsh Government on what progress they are making on this matter with their Scottish counterparts. Our amendment also makes clear that the United Kingdom—

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I need to make progress, Matthew, thank you. Our amendment also makes clear that the UK is the most centralised and economically imbalanced country in western Europe. Addressing that on the most fundamental level means redistributing both wealth and power. And that should include substantially increasing Welsh Government's borrowing powers. It is self-evidently nonsense that local councils in Wales can borrow more than Welsh Government. There has been significant progress made by the last Welsh Government working with the new UK Labour Government on the fiscal framework, but I am hopeful that a new UK Prime Minister that recognises the importance of place and the strength of devolution will help cut through Treasury orthodoxy and build on the progress already secured to devolve further financial levers. But decentralising the UK isn't just ensuring that nations have the powers and funding they need, it's ensuring that the regions within them have that too, and that is a duty incumbent on the Governments of every UK nation. That's why our amendment calls for an update on 'seeking and delivering a fairer settlement for the nation and regions of Wales.' All too often we focus on the former at the expense of the latter. Plaid Cymru's Twitter account tweeted on Sunday, 'If it’s good enough for Manchester, why not Wales?' I think that's half right. If it's good enough for Manchester though, it's good enough for Cardiff, for Swansea, for Wrexham. Devolution shouldn't stop in Cardiff Bay and neither should calls for fair funding. The last Labour Government began this work; it didn't go far enough in my view, and those of us on the Labour benches today are clear: we want to see more powers shared from this place to the regions and communities of Wales, where people know what challenges they face and know what solutions will work. By delivering an extended vision of fair funding beyond the confines of Westminster or the Senedd to include communities right across Wales, we could shape a fairer nation where more people can have more of a say on the decisions that shape their everyday lives. Thank you.

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A all y Gweinidog gadarnhau y bydd egni'r llanw yn rhan o'r strategaeth egni genedlaethol? Yn fy swydd flaenorol, bues i ynghlwm â gwaith y comisiwn o arbenigwyr annibynnol a fu'n yn edrych ar egni'r llanw ym moryd Hafren. Fe gyhoeddwyd yr adroddiad yna y llynedd. Os ydy egni'r llanw yn rhan o'r strategaeth, a wnaiff y Gweinidog gytuno i gwrdd gyda fi a rhai o aelodau'r comisiwn hwnnw i drafod mynd â'r prosiect ymhellach?

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Could the Minister confirm that tidal energy will be part of the national energy strategy? In my previous role, I was involved in the work of the commission of independent experts that looked at tidal energy in the Severn estuary. That report was published last year. If tidal energy is part of the strategy, will the Minister agree to meet with me and members of the commission to discuss taking that project forward?

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It is perplexing that we’re having this debate, isn’t it, because there’s an acknowledgement on all sides of the Chamber that the challenge of meeting the needs of pupils with additional learning needs is acute and growing. Sera spoke very powerfully of her experiences. There is also a recognition in this Chamber of the value and importance of prevention and early intervention as a policy principle. We had a high-quality debate on ACEs earlier. How many of those children in our schools today experiencing ACEs will also have an additional learning need? I wonder to what extent their whole-life outcomes will be better affected by having the most appropriate education provision as early as possible. But, despite this consensus, the Plaid Cymru Government shows zero urgency in taking action now to address the funding pressures, as their amendment, sadly, shows. It's a response that's becoming typical of the new Government: 'Let's set up a meeting, let's have discussions, let's not act'—even though this is within your power.

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Mae angen gwneud, nid dweud. Dyna pam gwnes i, o leiaf, fynd i mewn i wleidyddiaeth—i gyflawni newid er gwell.

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We need action, not words. That's why I, at least, came into politics—to deliver change for the better.

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Now, there's no greater indictment of a broken system than the fact that the last UK Tory Government—I'm sorry to point this out, Sam—had to resort to a statutory override for councils in England to carry the costs of ALN as debt. And it's a demonstration of how the UK Labour Government now is clearing up that mess by providing the funding they have to English councils to draw this situation to an end. It is the consequentials of that decision that have given the Welsh Government an in-year cash boost of over £300 million.

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Nawr, dwi'n derbyn yr egwyddor, jest oherwydd bod yr arian yna wedi cael ei wario ar rywbeth yn Lloegr, dylai'r consequentials hynny gael eu gwario ar yr un peth yng Nghymru. Dwi'n derbyn yr egwyddor hynny. Er gwaethaf hynny, jest achos bod cynghorau yng Nghymru wedi cael eu rheoli yn well a'u hariannu yn well nag yn Lloegr, dydy hynny ddim yn golygu nad ydy'r pwysau a'r wasgfa ar y sector addysg yma yn urgent ac yn acíwt. Jest edrychwch ar faint y deficit sy'n cael ei gario nawr gan ysgolion yng Nghymru.

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Now, I accept the principle, just because that money was spent on something in England, that the consequentials should also be spent on the same thing in Wales. I accept that principle. But, despite that, just because councils in Wales have been better managed and better funded than they were in England, that doesn't mean that the pressure on the education sector here is not urgent and acute. Just look at the size of deficit now carried by schools in Wales.

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And there's an opportunity to address that right now, thanks to a Labour Government that is rebuilding public services on the English side of the border. I will dwell on the finances, given my spokesperson role, because some on the Government benches will claim that the funding isn't there to do this. I don't accept this. Under the Government's supplementary budget, they are proposing to keep £246 million as an unallocated in-year reserve, essentially putting that money in the bank instead of using it to help schools. Others may argue that we need this money in reserve to manage in-year pressures in the health service. Again, I reject that claim. Let's compare the amount of unallocated resources available at this year's supplementary with previous years. At the first supplementary budget last year, the unallocated funding available was just £1.8 million. At the same point the previous year, it was £36 million; the year before that, £60 million. Carrying £246 million of unallocated resources, as is proposed under the budget, is not typical. You have to go back to the COVID period to find a time when the supplementary budget had a greater level of funding that wasn't allocated. Yes, there is funding pressure from the NHS. There is always funding pressure from the NHS. It's the job of the health Minister, the finance Minister and now the Minister for Government efficiency to manage those pressures sustainably, as previous Governments have done. My fear—. And I hope I'm wrong, but my fear is that the real reason for keeping so much money back unallocated is to pay for Plaid Cymru's uncosted manifesto, and, in my view, to do so at the expense of our schools is simply wrong. I've received numerous representations about this issue, and I want to finish today by quoting an e-mail from a headteacher in Fairwater in Caerdydd Penarth that I received a few hours ago: 'Additional ALN funding', she says, 'would make a meaningful difference. It would allow schools to employ and retain specialist staff, provide earlier intervention before needs escalate, reduce reliance on expensive agency staffing, develop more flexible learning provisions for pupils with more complex needs, protect core educational budgets from being diverted to cover unfunded ALN pressures and better support inclusion while ensuring the needs of all learners are met.' Not a sticking plaster, a meaningful difference. That is the opportunity we have today—to make a meaningful difference. [Interruption.] I'm running out of time, Darren.

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If the Deputy Llywydd will allow me to respond to that, I look at my past experience leading Cardiff Council, and there are multiple examples across Wales—it is education budgets that have been protected, alongside social services, to respond to the need that's grown increasingly over recent years; I think Mike was talking about a 34 per cent increase in Swansea. That is reflected across Wales. The funding has gone in, but other services had to suffer to pay for it.  So, today we have a meaningful opportunity to make a difference to our schools, to Wales's most vulnerable learners. I urge all Members to support the motion. Diolch yn fawr.

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